On March 8 2017, Dr. Adis Merdzanovic and Dr. Othon
Anastasakis presented two separate papers and shared the findings of their recent
research in a SEESOX seminar, chaired by Nancy Bermeo.
In his presentation, Dr. Merdzanovic, who
is a junior research fellow at SEESOX, first provided definitions to the key
concepts of the seminar. The first concept he explained was “party politics,”
which he argued was linked with the concept of “cleavages.” Merdzanovic agreed
with assessments that the four ruptures that Lipset and Rokkan in their seminal
piece (1967) stressed, has been reduced to two dimensions in most European
countries, as argued by Kriesi et al. (2006).
The two cleavages that seem to matter the most are the economic and
cultural, with the latter’s exact content being contested and spreading from materialist
versus post-materialist values to the cosmopolitan versus communitarian values.
The second and third concepts Merdzanovic explained were “ideology” and “illiberalism”.
He argued that illiberalism was not an ideology, but a mode of political rule
which negated liberal values through rhetoric and took action against liberal
rules and practices, targeting institutions.
Moving on to his case studies and the
region of SEE, Merdzanovic argued that in South East Europe (SEE) recent
research conducted by Szöcsik and Zuber (2014) demonstrates that economic issues
are not salient within the party systems, meaning that the parties do not
differ much on this dimension. What matters more is cultural polarization along
two dimensions: (1) the libertarian/post-materialist versus traditional and
authoritarian, and (2) ethnonationalism, in other words, the majority versus
minority nationalisms. These two dimensions, however, are highly correlated,
suggesting that any types of concerns get channeled through political culture.
In providing an explanation of this salience of the cultural cleavage in SEE, Merdzanovic argued that the process of EU integration over-emphasizes technocratic form of rule, which has led to the depolitization of issues. On important matters, there is no public debate and parliamentary scrutiny. Parliaments are simply expected to accept the reforms advocated by the post-1989 liberal consensus and deemed “necessary” for EU membership. This has resulted in the prevalence of cultural and ethnonational issues. Political emotions, feelings and historical narratives have become ends in themselves because other policies are out of discussion. Without policy discussions, however, the narrative turns into an “us” versus “them” dichotomy, making the question of “who captures the state” the most central one.
In providing an explanation of this salience of the cultural cleavage in SEE, Merdzanovic argued that the process of EU integration over-emphasizes technocratic form of rule, which has led to the depolitization of issues. On important matters, there is no public debate and parliamentary scrutiny. Parliaments are simply expected to accept the reforms advocated by the post-1989 liberal consensus and deemed “necessary” for EU membership. This has resulted in the prevalence of cultural and ethnonational issues. Political emotions, feelings and historical narratives have become ends in themselves because other policies are out of discussion. Without policy discussions, however, the narrative turns into an “us” versus “them” dichotomy, making the question of “who captures the state” the most central one.
In his concluding remarks, Merdzanovic
pointed out that the SEE countries did not slide back to illiberalism, rather
their democratic transition was held back. Democratic institutions were not
developed when the EU integration process had started. This is why it is
essential that democracy must be strengthened by encouraging debate and public
scrutiny of issues salient to the reform process.
The second speaker of the seminar, Director
of SEESOX Dr. Othon Anastasakis, discussed the current state of social
democratic party politics in SEE, based on his fieldwork in the context of a project
coordinated by the European Forum for Solidarity and Democracy in the
Netherlands. He started by pointing out that almost all of the current ruling
parties in the former Yugoslav Western Balkan states were involved in the
Balkan wars of the 1990s, they advocate nationalist policies and have illiberal
practices. This right wing conservative dominance in the region, except for the
case of Albania, demonstrates the weakness of social democracy at present. Yet,
Anastasakis stressed the importance of social democratic parties in the
politics of South East Europe in the course of their transition from the
communist rule to democracy and market economy.
Before providing his analysis of the political
parties in the region, Anastasakis described what social democracy would mean
in an ideal world. He listed pro-European values, conciliatory attitudes toward
ethnic minorities, support for human rights, advocating welfare state, social
policies, labor rights, a more equitable distribution of income, and progressive
values among the core attributes of social democracy. In matching this
description with social democratic parties in SEE, however, it is clear that
there is a gap between rhetoric and reality. Some of these parties are reformed
communists while others advocate nationalist principles. Although at the
discursive level, the leaders of these parties support what they term the true social
democratic ideals, when it comes to practice, they face problems, including
neoliberalisation, nationalism and personal politics
Anastasakis argued that the weakness of
social democracy in SEE is due to international and domestic factors. First,
external factors, such as EU disengagement, the rise of geopolitics, the
Eurozone crisis, and the existence of other illiberal neighbors, have made a
negative impact on the overall political performance of social democratic
parties. Second, social democratic parties have been affected by neoliberalism,
as the dominant economic strategy in the region, imposed by EU/IMF involvement.
As a result, most social democratic parties in the region advocate right-wing
economic policies and are unable to deal with the social problems of rising poverty
and inequality. Third, the post-communist social democrats cannot convince the
electorates that their parties are truly “new” and “reformed”. Fourth, some
social democrats have adopted nationalism and have gradually turned into ethnic
parties such as Dodik’s social democratic party in Republika Srpska. Fifth, the
parties with strong leaders, a top-down approach, low party membership, and
internal divisions are unable to democratise.
Anastasakis concluded that social
democratic parties in the Western Balkans are in a post-ideological vacuum
which reflects the wider problems with European social democracy but carries
also many of the particularistic problems of the post-communist and
post-conflict transition in the region. The current weak state of social
democracy in SEE is both the cause and outcome of rising illiberalism, at
present.
Yaprak
Gürsoy, St Antony’s College, Oxford &
Associate Professor, Istanbul Bilgi University
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: only a member of this blog may post a comment.