Serbia and regional cooperation in the Western Balkans: EU membership perspective as a tool for overcoming the past

David Madden

The Ambassador of Serbia in the UK, HE Dr Dejan Popovic, spoke on this theme at a SEESOX seminar on 6 May. The Discussant was Elizabeth Roberts, and David Madden chaired.

The Ambassador described the situation in Serbia. It was now almost 13 years since the collapse of the Milošević regime. The subsequent governments established following free and fair elections had been vocal in expressing their commitment to regional cooperation, and the shadow of disputable cooperation with the Hague Tribunal was removed in 2011 when the last two of the total of 45 Serb indictees were extradited to the ICTY. In addition there had been acts of official and explicit Serbian contrition for Srebrenica.

Serbia's War Crimes Prosecutor had carried out inquests against 397 suspects, and indicted 153 of them. 64 indictees, almost all of Serb origin, had been sentenced for war crimes: 69 were still facing trial.

Relations were excellent in the case of Macedonia and Montenegro. The only dispute with the former was about the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, an ecclesiastic not a state issue. Relations with Croatia reflected the strong pro-European position of successive Government in Belgrade: President Nikolić and Prime Minister Dačić were expected to attend the EU accession ceremony in Zagreb on 30 June. Serbia was fully committed to the territorial integrity of BiH. Serbia’s Government had consistently discouraged separatist rhetoric, and endorsed the country’s EU aspirations. It was difficult to imagine the Western Balkans with Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia in the EU and Bosnia out of it.

Most delicate were relations with Kosovo. The dialogue between Belgrade and Priština was raised to a high level with the facilitation of Baroness Ashton. A series of meetings between the two Prime Ministers, subsequently involving Presidents, started in October 2012. The objective was the gradual normalisation of the two sides' relations, without prejudice to the two parties' positions on status, and achieving progress for both along their respective EU paths. This was achieved with the Agreement reached on 19 April 2013. The Ambassador supplied full details, including on policing and courts.

The Ambassador underlined the role of EU soft power. The perspective of better livelihood within the EU – not just through attracting additional funding (as a simplistic approach predicted) but through radical social and economic reforms as required by the acquis – had proved again to be an important incentive for all the countries in the Western Balkans. The EU – in spite of the size of its own problems – would continue to play a major role in securing the sustainability of the Stabilisation and Association Process. Such a role also needed responsible and courageous interlocutors among the Western Balkans politicians.

Elizabeth Roberts wondered whether it required those associated with hard-line positions to reach break-throughs in difficult circumstances– parallels with Nixon in China. She sought clarifications on a number of points: role of the constitutional court, timing of implementation, the position of the Church, role of the EU as a weapon of mass attraction etc.

A general discussion ensued, with many points raised and debated: including the role of Russia, of the US, of the position of the 5 EU member states who did not recognise Kosovo, access to Serbian holy sites in Kosovo etc.

A general consensus appeared to emerge: the agreement was one of historic importance; it had come about because both sides wanted it, and wanted security; and it was a welcome feather in the cap of the EU, and especially Lady Ashton. The likely long accession process for Serbia (7 years or so) would set the parameters for future developments.